The Philippines is a republic with a presidential form of government wherein power is equally divided among its three branches: executive, legislative, and judicial. The government seeks to act in the best interests of its citizens through this system of check and balance.
The Philippines is a democratic and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanated from them.
One basic corollary in a presidential system of government is the principle of separation of powers wherein legislation belongs to Congress, execution to the Executive, and settlement of legal controversies to the Judiciary.
Politics before and today in Philippines
The politics of the Philippines take place within a three-branch governmental system. The country is a democracy, led by a directly-elected president who is both the head of state and the head of government. The President heads the executive branch, and has significant political powers. Presidents are limited to a single six-year term of office. The bicameral Congress serves as the legislature, consisting of the small Senate, elected on an at-large basis throughout the country, and the larger House of Representatives, primarily made up of representatives elected from specific geographic regions. The judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court of the Philippines, a body with expansive powers of review over actions taken by other political and administrative bodies.
2022 Philippine Election Ambiguously Democratic: Parties, Coalitions, and Candidates in the 2022 Philippine Elections.
Elections in the Philippines is a time of alliances, pundits, politicking within and across party lines. A range of candidates have put themselves forward for the upcoming 2022 elections, though their agendas and positions may still be too cloudy for voters to make a clear bet. Persistent problems around politics are present, although reform via the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) is slowly taking place. There’s still plenty of time ahead for unpredictability, by prospective candidates and the voting population.
The money politics that has characterized elections in the country, one of Asia’s oldest democracies, is a campaign finance issue that is recognized but never arrested and controlled.
Elections in the Philippines involves money and political machines. The money politics that has characterized elections in the country, one of Asia’s oldest democracies, is a campaign finance issue that is recognized but never arrested and controlled. This is just one part of the problem. The bigger part of the problem is the low institutionalization of political parties in the Philippines. The lack of genuine programmatic political parties persists even as the language of party politics is constantly used. Notably absent in this national meeting of the PDP–Laban were some key party officials including its vice-chair Senator Aquilino Pimentel III, son of the party founder, and boxer-turned-Senator Manny Pacquiao, the party’s president.
The split and creation of new factions within the party is just one more manifestation of the reorientation of Philippine politics before the 2022 national and local elections. And the undermining of a democratic institution under the ruling populist administration.
Meanwhile, a stalwart member of the Liberal Party, purportedly the opposition party, recently announced that he will support the candidacy of Sara Duterte, the president’s daughter, should she decide to run for president. According to Cavite First District Rep. Francis Gerald Aguinaldo Abaya, “I do not know the President, nor do I know the Mayor from Davao City, and I am from the opposition… Still the assistance keeps on coming. There is just no way I can ignore the kindness and support of the President and his daughter.” The congressman was quick to point out that it was a personal decision and not a Liberal Party decision to support the administration’s candidate. According to Abaya, “We all have our own minds in the Liberal Party.”
While party switching is not new in the Philippines, the increasing ‘anarchy of political parties’ is.
When Liberal Party Chairman Leni Robredo filed her candidacy for the presidency, many cheered and as many were wondering why she filed as an independent candidate. In the last five years, multiple members of the Liberal Party have either allied with the administration or have switched to the ruling party. While party switching is not new in the Philippines, the increasing ‘anarchy of political parties’ is. The lack of coordinated party behavior, party discipline, and party finance transparency are persistent problems and typical in Philippine politics. Party candidate selection revolves around dynastic families and political clans. Alliances and coalitions crystalize as election day approaches and clientelistic promissory notes are written. The language of party politics is used, and expectations of party politics ensues even as there are no genuine programmatic political parties.
Ping Lacson
Panfilo 'Ping' Lacson's Digital Campaign on Social Media licence infos.
An initial attempt to unify the opposition against the ruling party frayed and failed. A convenor’s group, 1Sambayan, was formed made up of former high-ranking government officials, including a former Ombudsman and an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court. In the political history of the Philippines, a convenor’s group in 1985 launched the candidacy of Corazon Aquino that eventually toppled the Marcos dictatorship. The difference then and now is that the current strongman rule of Rodrigo Duterte continues to remain popular. There is satisfaction and support for the violent war on drugs even as Duterte’s ratings on pandemic performance has slightly declined. The popularity among voters of candidates with authoritarian tendencies past and present is evident and in some cases, factored in by candidates as part of their election calculus. Presidential candidate Panfilo Lacson’s digital campaign includes pictures of him as a uniformed and bemedaled general – an image that he distanced himself from when he initially ran for the Senate.
Thanks to the rehabilitated image of the Marcos name through historical revisionism that celebrates the years of dictatorship as years of development, voter preference for the son of the former dictator remains high.
Bongbong Marcos, a strong ally of the Duterte family and promising to continue the war on drugs, has filed his candidacy for president riding on a strong base of support that includes youth voters. Thanks to the rehabilitated image of the Marcos name through historical revisionism that celebrates the years of dictatorship as years of development, voter preference for the son of the former dictator remains high. Sara Duterte also ranks high in voter preference surveys, and there is expectation that she will continue the brand of leadership of her father should she decide to run for president. Manny Pacquiao, also running for president, once said in an interview, “Too much democracy is bad for the Philippines.”
Manila mayor and now presidential candidate Isko Moreno likes to talk tough and has been likened to the populist brand of Duterte. These public sentiments towards authoritarianism contribute to the ambiguous democracy of the Philippines.
President Rodrigo Roa Duterte raises the hands of the Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban) senatorial candidates at a campaign rally at the Batangas City Sports Coliseum in Batangas on April 17, 2019 Now, the 'BaGo' tandem - Ronald "Bato" de la Rosa and Christopher 'Bong' Go' is likely to be the PDP-Laban's Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates. licence infos
Out of the violent populist woods?
In the last five years, executive powers went unchecked. Institutions that can extract accountability, such as the Commission on Human Rights (CHR), Office of the Ombudsman, and mass media, have been threatened and weakened. What should have been independent branches of government was neutralized by the Duterte administration by targeting top female officials in each: the Supreme Court lost female Chief Justice Lourdes Sereno through a quo warranto; Senator Leila de Lima was left to perform her duties as a legislator while incarcerated without formal charges; and the office of Vice-President Leni Robredo was disabled with limited resources, a budget constantly reduced, almost ridiculed.
In the coming months, all eyes will be on another democratic institution, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). This constitutional commission tasked with election administration has a history that at times favored the incumbent. Over the years, the commission has tried to modernize and increase its capacity, but there are lingering issues of credibility. Even as COMELEC has addressed issues of reform, much can still be done. Hobbled by resource and capacity issues, part of the trepidation if the COMELEC will perform its mandate with independence is the composition of the commissioners. By 2022, all are appointees of Duterte and with ties to Mindanao. To the credit of COMELEC, so far there are no indications that it will be partisan, nor its autonomy breached. But COMELEC can also be more proactive in shaping electoral politics – it can issue official statements to show that it is the authority on all electoral matters. The sudden revival of small, inactive political parties during election season to serve as vehicles by politicians who were eased out of intra-party competition and the substitution of candidates at the last minute has become a common strategy. It makes the electoral arena seem bereft of a referee to keep the integrity of the game. This can leave some voters and candidates having less confidence that it will be a fair election.
The sudden revival of small, inactive political parties during election season to serve as vehicles by politicians who were eased out of intra-party competition and the substitution of candidates at the last minute has become a common strategy.
There are some pockets of democratic resilience and some authoritarian reversals that can give hope to both candidates and voters in the 2022 elections. Impeachment proceedings in the House against Associate Justice of the Supreme Court Marvic Leonen by Duterte allies did not flourish. The Commission on Audit raised red flags on irregular procurement deals that implicate officials in the Department of Budget and Management (DBM) and Department of Health (DOH) with close ties to the president. Two libel cases against journalist Maria Ressa [2] have been dropped. And a survey from Social Weather Stations (SWS) on the public’s support for the term limit of the president has been consistent for more than a decade – a strong signal from the public that should thwart any thoughts of clinging to power, even for a popular president. Will the Philippines be out of the violent populist woods by 2022?
The constellation of candidates and coalitions, including the seemingly unwilling Sara Duterte, can still realign until 15 November 2021, the last day substitution of candidates allowed by COMELEC. It is an election sleight of hand Duterte used in 2016 when he played reluctant candidate. This proved to be a good delaying strategy that left his opponents with less time for strategic maneuvering. For 2022, Duterte and allies seem to have the same strategy: at the final hour of filing the certificate of candidacy, Senator Bato dela Rosa, former Philippine National Police Chief and enforcer of the war on drugs, arrived to announce that he will be filing as the official presidential candidate of the ruling party. When asked multiple times what made him suddenly run for president, he was quick to answer that it was the party that asked him. When asked if he will eventually give way for the president’s daughter if she decides to run for president, the senator replied, “Wouldn’t that be better?” This delayed-candidacy strategy exploits the electoral system and undermines another democratic institution under this populist rule.
Leni - Kiko
When Leni Robredo finally announced her candidacy on 7 October, the hesitancy was more realpolitik than politicking. Her survey numbers were less than impressive, and she knows incumbency advantage is a formidable opponent. Her local politics experience has taught her that. It is likely that Robredo has always seen herself more of a unifier than a candidate for the 2022 elections. Her choice to run as an independent, according to her, is to signal inclusivity. Leni Robredo joining the race nonetheless generated a lot of positive reaction in social media. Buildings turned on pink lights to show support and social media was abuzz. Whether that will cascade to votes, generate support from key political clans, or create a coalition is another issue. She and her campaign team need to keep the positive messaging of inclusivity throughout her campaign to attract coalition-building from a larger base of support.
The nature of elections with the constant live interviews, the closely covered campaigns, will also expose those who have gained traction mostly through social media with their carefully curated and staged performances.
It is still a long way to May 2022. Candidates running against Duterte’s anointed successor will need to strategize and coordinate to get the votes. It is important not to lose sight of the elusive ‘united opposition’. To ensure a non-administration win, each camp will have to run their campaign in a way that can leave an opening for alliances. Power-money-clan coordinates will crystalize closer to election day. But there is also a percentage of market votes that are undecided. The nature of elections with the constant live interviews, the closely covered campaigns, will also expose those who have gained traction mostly through social media with their carefully curated and staged performances. Voters who have not made up their minds will be keenly watching how each will run their campaign and the issues that they will champion. Campaigns can still pick up momentum, while there’s time for some to implode. The 2022 election is a critical juncture for the Philippines. >>
Comelec releases official list of candidates
Certified List of Candidates - Comelec >> 📃📄
This is a list of candidates in the 2022 Philippine presidential and vice-presidential election
The number of vice presidential aspirants has also been reduced from 27 to 9. Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte-Carpio, who filed for substitution on November 13, is already part of the lineup.
The number of presidential aspirants for the 2022 elections decreased significantly after the Commission on Elections (Comelec) removed names of nuisance candidates on its tentative list of candidates for the May 9, 2022 vote.
From 97 people who filed their certificates of candidacy (COC) back in October, there were only 15 aspirants for the country’s top post as of Thursday, December 23.
Presidential bets:
In alphabetical order, they are:
1) Ernesto Abella, former presidential spokesman
2) Hilario Andes
3) Gerald Arcega
4) Leody de Guzman, labor leader
5) Manila Mayor Isko Moreno Domagoso
6) Norberto Gonzales, former defense chief
7) Senator Ping Lacson
8) Danilo Lihaylihay
9) Faisal Mangondato
10) Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., Son of Ferdinand Marcos Sr., and former senator
11) Maria Aurora Marcos
12) Jose Montemayor Jr.
13) Edgar Niez
14) Senator Manny Pacquiao
15) Vice President Leni Robredo
Some quick observations from this list:
Former National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict spokesman and infamous red-tagger Antonio Parlade Jr. is not on the December 23 list. He filed for substitution in November, but the candidate he sought to replace was running independently, and had no right of substitution.
As there are at least six unresolved cases against Marcos Jr., it is expected that his name won’t be removed from the list.
There could be two Marcoses on the ballot if Maria Aurora makes it to the final list.
Danilo Lihaylihay, who was declared a nuisance candidate in 2016, is still in the running. He filed a petition to declare Marcos Jr. a nuisance candidate, but it was dismissed by the Comelec’s 2nd Division.
Senator Christopher “Bong” Go is no longer on this list after withdrawing from the race on December 14.
Vice presidential aspirants, senatorial bets:
The number of vice presidential aspirants has also been reduced from 27 to 9. Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte-Carpio, who filed for substitution on November 13, is already part of the lineup.
There are, meanwhile, now 70 senatorial aspirants, down from 174 filers in October. President Duterte, who withdrew his candidacy on December 14, is no longer part of the list.
The list includes:
1) Buhay Rep. Lito Atienza
2) Walden Bello, former congressman
3) Rizalito David
4) Davao City Sara Duterte-Carpio
5) Manny Lopez
6) Willie Ong, physician
7) Senator Francis Pangilinan
8) Carlos Serapio
9) Senate President Vicente Sotto III
There are, meanwhile, now 70 senatorial aspirants, down from 174 filers in October. President Duterte, who withdrew his candidacy on December 14, is no longer part of the list. >>
LIST: Registered political parties, party-lists for the 2022 Elections
Link⇨ 🖇️ >>
MANILA, Philippines — The Commission on Elections (Comelec) has released the list of registered political parties and party lists in the upcoming 2022 Elections.
The list made public by the poll body on Monday showed 49 registered national political parties, 23 regional political parties and 102 parties for provincial and local constituencies as of September 30.
According to Comelec, there are also 170 registered out of 270 party list groups that filed their certificates of nomination and acceptance.
Of the registered party lists, 118 were previously-registered while 52 newly-registered party lists as of October 20.
Here are the registered political parties in the country:
The poll body will release the final list of candidates by December, according to Comelec spokesperson James Jimenez.
The national elections will be held on May 9, 2022. Meanwhile, the deadline for the substitution of candidates will be on November 15.
By: John Eric Mendoza
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